Kristo Das Pal; a sketch of his life and career

i

Kristo Das Pal

CT

1508

P33K7

KRISTO !)4S V-^l.

A SKLICH OF

His Life and Career

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BABU KRISTO DAS PAL.

INTRODUCTION.

M T would always repay to peruse the life of
M Babu Kristo Das Pal, the greatest of
Indian journalists. It is of special value
now in the days of the Press Law and the Sedi-
tions Meetings Act. It teaches the people
that one can be the respected friend and trust-
ed adviser of the Government while being a
severe critic of its measures. And it teaches
the Government that criticism is not necessa-
rily synonymous with sedition. Babu Krista
Das Pal was often a severe critic of the Govern-
ment; but he was always consulted and
honoured by the Government; and he was
rightly called one of the *' Pillars of the Em-
pire." An irritable Lieutenant-Governor (Sir
George Campbell), once called his journal dis-
loyal, because it criticised certain measures of
the Government which interfered with the

2

rights of permanent settlement and the cause
of higher education. Kristo Das addressed a
spirited and efifective remonstrance which
evoked only praise on all sides. He distin-
guished the executive from the constituted
authority and quoted the case of the opposition
in Parliament. * Loyalty does not mean the
recognition of the English as the dominant
caste in India ; nor does it mean the submis-
sion of individual Indians to individual English-
men ; but it means allegiance to the British
rule and respect for the law.'

BIKTH AND EDUCATION.

Kristo Das Pal was born in 1838, of very
poor parents and in an humble caste called
the Telee. He began his studies in the Bengali
section of what is now known as the Oriental
Seminary, where his progress was marked and
he obtained the prize of a silver medal. In
1848, he joined the English section, and here
also he gave proofs of intelligence and industry.
He left the school in 1853, and read for some
time under a missionary who could scarcely
instruct him from any other book than the

Bible. He then became a member of the
^' Calcutta Literary Free Debating Club," some
other members of which and himself organised
a "morning class." It used to receiv^e instruc-
tion first from the Rev. Morgan, a distinguished
teacher of youth, and then from Dr. Greorge
Smil:li, who edited the ' Friend of India.'
" He used to get up at 4 o'clock (in the
•morning), visit his comrades and proceed
with them to attend the lectures. Many of
his comrades became tired of the early
journey ; but Kris to Das was made of diffe-
rent stuff; his zeal never flagged."

After attending this morning class for two
years he joined the Hindu Metropolitan College,
of which he was one of the earliest students,
and had the advantage of reading with men
like Cap. D. L. Richardson and others, who
were all distinguished scholars, all interested
in the cause of education, and all moved by
the warmest sympathy with the people of this
country and their pupils in particular, la
1857, that is, at the age of 19 he left college
and commenced his worldly career.

EARLY ACTIVITIES.

While yet a student he took a lively interest
in politics and possessed considerable skill as-
debater. He was the moving spirit of the Club
already referred to, and by his unwearied efiforts
raised it to a higher position than that of any
similar association of young men. In one of
its meetings Dr. Alex. Duff was invited to
preside. Young KristoDas happened to differ
from the reverend Doctor on some points, and
he stood up and boldly expressed his dissent.
Kristo Das was a born politician. After the
Mutiny was suppressed in 1857, he suggested
to his Club that they should send their con-
gratulations to the Government through the
British Indian Association. He drafted the
letter and took it to Raja Issur Singh, the
Secretary of the Association, who was highly
pleased with the letter, thanked the Club for
its valuable suggestion and promised to carry
out the proposal speedily.

When he left college he was very well
acquainted with the English language and
literature. He was not interested in Sanskrit

j5

or Bengal), Mathematics or philosophy, and
scientific education had not come into vogue.
The most valuable part of his education was
^iven him by his worldly work and experience.
To this he added an active mind, a generous
heart and a habit of untiring industry.

INITIATED INTO JOURNALISM.

Even before he left college he had imbibed
a taste for reading newspapers and writing for
them. His emulation was first excited when
a few lines written by a friend of his were
inserted in the " Hindoo Patriot" of which he
was a regular reader. And when he learnt
that contributors to newspapers were not only
supplied with free copies of the papers but also
fairly well remunerated, he believed a poor
young man like himself should not neglect
those advantages.

*' He began to contribute on a humble scale
to the Moiming Chronicle and the Citizen ;
be was favoured with copies of those papers
and he received promises of remuneration.
He gathered courage. He wrote an article
for the Hindu Patriot and laid it before the

editor, Hurrish Chunder Mukerji, who ex-
pressed concurrence in the sentiments of the
writer, but warned him against the adoption
of an ornate style. Kristo Das's article did
appear in the Patriot^ after correction."

" His joy knew no bounds," as may well he
imagined. After leaving college he enriched
his mind at the public libraries and improved
his English composition. He began to contri-
bute regularly to many papers, and occasion-
ally to the "Englishman," whose editor, Mr.
William Col. Hurry, valued his contributions
much. About this time also commenced his
regular connection with the " Hindoo Patriot"^
in which he wrote a series of articles on the
Indian Mutiny. Hurrish Chunder Mukerji
formed a high opinion of his talents and
acquirements, " and thought he would be able
to do much for his country if God spared him."^
He published on his own responsibility three
pamphlets which gained him much credit, one
entitled " Young Bengal Vindicated," one on
" Indigo Cultivation" and one on '' The
Mutinies and the People" which was a vindi-

cation of the loyalty of the people of India.

In i 860 the proprietor of the "Hindoo Patriot""
died and the paper changed hands several
times, till towards the end of 1861 KristoDas
was appointed the sole and substantial editor.
It was thought fit to exercise supervision for
some time over the paper, but it was soon
discovered that Kristo Das, though young, was
sober and discreet, and accordingly the supervi-
sion ceased. Kristo Das took a bold step when he
chose journalism for his profession. After the
lapse of half a century, during which period
matters have improved enormously, journalism
cannot be considered even now as a profession
open to our young men. The idea of Kristo Das
was to be "a Man and a Patriot," and he thought
he could better carry this out in the capacity
he chose than as a clerk in a Grovernment office
or as a member of the legal profession. He
stuck to journalism in the face of strong
temptations. He could every day see men who
did not possess his general education and were
not of his mental calibre, get on very well as
lawyers. It is true that on leaving college he

obtained employment as translator in the
Court of the District Judge of 24 Parganas,
and after a few days he was dismissed because
the judge considered him incompetent. But
later when Sir William Grey offered him an
appointment in the public service he declined
the offer. His choice had been made, and it
had been wisely made, because he was fitted
above all things to be a journalist and a
Secretary and a debater. Therefore not on
grounds of worldly prudence but in accordance
with the economy of nature, Kristo Das's choice
was properly made.

PROSPERITY OF THE " HINDOO PATRIOT."

When the '' Hindoo Patriot" came into the

hands of Kristo Das Pal it was a dying concern

which was declining systematically. But under

the genius of the new editor it suddenly

revived and went on steadily progressing. In

paying a tribute to his memory Mr. Ilbert

ustly observed :

" Succeeding at the age of some of the
graduates of to-day, to the management of
one of the oldest organs of public opinion in
this country, by the readiness and versatility

9

of his pen, by the patient industry which he
displayed in mastering the details of the sub-
jects with which he undertook to deal, by
the fairness, breadth, and moderation of his
•utterances he gradually and steadily advanced
its reputation during his twenty-three years
of editorship and raised it from a nearly
moribund condition to the first place among
native Indian journals."

SECRETARY TO THE BRITISH INDIAN ASSOCIATION.

Kristo Das Pal used to assist his friend
Hurish Chunder Mukerjee, the editor of the
'''Hindoo Patriot' in his work as Assistant
Secretary to the British Indian Association.
On his death Kristo Das was appointed to the
place and he filled it very worthily, his services
feeing invaluable. In 1879 he was promoted
to the post of Secretary.

^' The association has always been composed
of wealthy, intelligent, honorable and dis-
tinguished men ; it would under any cir-
•cumstances have commanded respect and
-enjoyed power; but it is doubtful if without
SL Kristo Das Pal it could have done all the

10

work or even the greater part of it that it
has done. The office of Secretary to the-
Association invested Kristo Das with an im-
portance which he would not probably have
otherv/ise acquired ; and the association got
in Kristo Das a thoroughly competent
Secretary who not only did its work but-
determined its policy and guided its coun-
sels."

" As editor of the Hindu Patriot and Sec-
retary to the British Indian Association,.
Kristo Das could not fail to attract notice,,
inspire respect, and grow in importance. He^
was appointed a Municipal Commissioner
and a Justice of the Peace in 1863. In
1872, he was appointed a Member of the-
Legislative Council of Bengal. He was a
Fellow of the Calcutta University. The title-
of Rai Bahadur was conferred upon him at
the Imperial Assemblage held at Delhi on^
the 1st of January, 1877. In the following^
year he was invested with the insignia of a
Companion of the Order of the Indian Empire.
In the year 1883, he was unanimously electedl

11

by the British Indian Association for the seat
in the Viceregal Council, placed at its disposal'
by Lord Ripon. His position, as it rose higher
and higher, brought attendant duties which'
he discharged with unremitting, conscientious
industry. His health broke down, and after a
lingering illness he died on the 24th of July
1884, thirty-one years after the Hindoo
Patriot had been established, and twenty-
three years after he had been appointed its
sole, responsible editor.*'

AS WRITER.

Kristo Das Pal wrote very good English. It
is said that with him ended " the old race of
native writers who were masters of pure
polished and idiomatic English." This he owed
to his training, habit and instinct. He was
not brought up under an " examination
system" in which one crams to choking, and
which aims at a many-sided shallowness, but
under a system which aimed at thoroughness.
And his teachers were not the valiant dictators
of volumes of notes, but earnest and sym-
pathetic instructors who took a lively and)

12

vpersonal interest in their pupils. Kristo Das
•^as specially fortunate in having able scholars,
skilled writers and practical men of the world
*for his teachers. They looked over his exercises,
directed his private study, and selected books
for him from the Calcutta Public Library. He
was also helped by Hurrish Chander Mukerjee,
the founder of the '* Hindoo Patriot" whose
articles, it is said, have never been surpassed
in this country in point of literary form. He
had severe critics in the Anglo-Indian journal-
ists, whose criticism contributed not a little to
his improvement. Not the least factor,
however, was his own deliberate study. In the
years of his manhood he read, not desultori-
ly, but with a view to acquire useful knowledge
and also to form his style. His writings in the
** Hindoo Patriot" were characterised by good
sense, breadth of view and logical powers. He
wrote a large number of minutes, memoranda
and memorials, and it was in these that he
was most eminently successful.

" Where he had to collate facts, to manipulate
figures, to assail premises or conclusions, to

13

tabulate results, to advance arguments, ta-
cite authorities, to expose inconsistencies and.
detect fallacies, he was in his element. He
used the simplest forms of expression but
avoided colloquial vulgarisms. He employed,
but little the arts of rhetoric in his maturer.
years. His style was lucid, logical, unpretent-
ious."

There was no affectation about the man or;-
his style.

AS SPEAKER.

Kristo Das Pal was a born debater, and he
had several physical advantages in addition.
He had a stately presence, a clear full-toned
voice, and he was master of the art of elocution,

" He spoke with calm dignity and logical,
precision, and never employed unfair methods,
of warfare. His speeches like his writings-
produced their effect not by tricks of rhetoric-
but by the abundance and accuracy of the
information they contained and by the argu-
ments they set forth,"

His English hearers were unanimous in*"

14

- considering him as one of the best speakers of
India. Indeed his speeches could compare in
all respects with the better sort of Parlia-
mentary speeches. His fluency and skill were
often the envy of Englishmen of culture. But
among his own countrymen he does not seem
to have had the same reputation for powers of
speaking. We generally appreciate the
emotional kind of oratory better than the
argumentative ; the speech of the demagogue
better than that of the senator. We do not
see quiet humour, or when a speaker makes a
point; but violent declamation, scathing
sarcasm, broad jokes, the elaborate demolition
of an argument with pomp and circumstance,
we fully appreciate. It is perhaps on account
of our strange lack of humour and the absence
of cultivated taste that we not only sufifer but
applaud the extravagant speeches, exclama-
tions and " ye G-ods" of our speakers at
Temperance and other conferences, in the
former of which, by the bye, most of the listen-
ers have never tasted drink, nor are ever^
likely to taste.

15

POLITICAL LEADERSHIP AND WORK.
Kristo Das Pal came to be recognised as a
political leader of Bengal, not because he had
the required mental and nnoral qualities, but
because he was the editor of a zemindari paper
and Secretary of a Zemindari Association, and
because he had influence both with wealthy
men and the Government. Bat this would
not have been enough if he had not * an
indifference to new ideas,' for our people are
•essential I3'' conservative, despondent and lack-
ing in enthusiasm ; and we demand these quali-
ties in our leaders also. And he should have
failed if he had not refrained from all attempts
to thrust himself on public notice. His
opinions were not the result of an assimilated
system of thought. The}^ were lormed in each
case with a view to practical utility, and for
that reason they appealed to the English mind.
When he lived the Indian National Congress
had not come into existence, and the
political ideas of the country had not
crystallised into definite shape. It is almost
needless to say that Kristo Das Pal would have

10

identified himself with its opinions and aspi-
rations. As things were, he urged incessently
the fulfihnent of the promises contained in the-
Proclamation of 1858.

Speaking of the aspirations of young men of
respectability and position to enter the Army,.
he wrote in 1877 : "The only objection that
can be urged against the measure is a political
one. It might be thought impolitic to train
ambitious members of a subject race in the art
of war and place them in command of regi-
ments and battalions, but the policy which
proposes to govern a subject nation by
distrusting^ and degrading them is a narrow
one, utterly unworthy of the august Sovereign
tinder whom we live. Confidence begets
confidence and we have no hesitation in saying
that the confidence of Her Majesty will greatly
strengthen her rule." In the same year, when
the Indian Cotton Import duties were partially
abolished, he said : " Under the operations
of the English interests the cotton.and piece
goods trade of India has gone. There is now a
faint glimmer of a hope of revival, and English

interests are again in the way of India's
success. We gratefully acknowledge that
Indian commerce has greatly developed under
British rule, but whenever English interests
have come into collision, the people of India
have gone to the wall." " Our countrymen,'*
he said, " should be up and doing."

His work is not known by any conspicuous
monument. It consisted of the guidance of
public opinion and of the vigilant and efficient
criticism of public measures. Being an Indian
he was given no chance for initiating measures;
he was only consulted. Such work does not
generally attract men's attention ; but all care-
ful students of the lives of men and nations
must acknowledge the importance of work
which is rather critical than constructive, and
whose results are subtle and impalpable rather
than concrete and tangible. It should be
remembered that Kristo Das Pal is the father
of any real journalism that may now exist in
Bengal.

Kristo Das was ever watchful of public rights
and those of the Zemindars in particular. But,

18

says the late Mr. N. N. Ghosh, we do not ever
see him reminding them of their duties, either
towards themselves or towards the poor ryots
under them. It is to be regretted all the more
since no man had greater influence with them
than Kristo Das Pal. When the Bengal
Tenancy Bill was introduced, however, he
expressed in the Imperial Legislative Council
his sympathy with the millions.

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS.

Sir Stewart Bayley, who afterwards became
Lieutenant-Grovernor of Bengal, said of Kristo
Das Pal :—

" What were those peculiar qualities which
enabled him to attain, and to maintain during
all his life, an absolutely unique position, not
only in the admiration of his countrymen, but
in respect, regard and affection of all, of what-
ever nationality, who came in contact with
him ? Well gentlemen^ I cannot pretend to
offer an adequate explanation. In the coarse
of the twenty years of my acquaintance with
him I think the qualities in his character
which principally struck me were — first the

19

admirable balance of his judgment; and,
secondly his thorough sincerity. By sincerity,
I mean not only moral sincerity, which is the
•duty of every good man, but I mean also
mental or intellectual sincerity — that quality
which makes you feel, in talking to a person,
that his opinion is the outcome of an inde-
pendent mind, and not merely the outcome of
foregone prejudice or passion. To those quali-
ties I may add a third, which has already been
alluded to, and that was his unfailing temper.
As I say, I have known him for twenty years,
and have never failed to admire the extraordin-
ary self-control with which, whether in fighting
a winning or a losing cause, and especially in
the latter, which is far the more difficult of the
two, he never for an instant forgot himself, never
said anything which he need be sorry for."

All these qualities are very clearly reflected
in the columns of the " Hindoo Patriot." In-
deed, but for them it was not possible for the
paper to command the attention and wield the
influence that it did. He never resorted to
unworthy arts to secure public patronage. He

20

was uniformly sober and candid in criticism
and never consciously unjust. But perhaps we
should admire him most for his temper. He
was often vilified or abused by persons or
classes for whom he could not procure official
favours or whose cause he could not support.
But even in dealing with the most dirty tricks
of the opponents, he never lost his temper,,
never forgot himself. It is to the ever-lasting
credit of Kristo Das Pal that he was almost the
only conspicuous man that did not lose the
balance of his mind over the Ilbert Bill. It
was a time when the whole country was in a
frenzy, when Englishmen and Indians gave
hard blows to each other and neither would
listen to compromise ; when even in the
Council Chamber a kind of language was used
which can hardly be read now without a blush.
We print as Appendix the three speeches that
he made in connection with that unfortunate
Bill. They must remain for ever a model of sober
and dignified language, clothing the most
exalted ideas of statesmanship and the most
fervid sentiments of loyalty.

21

The balance of Kristo"Das's mind is splen-
didly brought out in these speeches, especially
in the first one where he expresses his firm
belief in the ultimate triumph of the British
«ense of justice. In this weak world, passion
and prejudice often get the better of us ; and
it is a great thing to act with a keen sense of
justice. But it is a greater thing not to lose
the balance of our mind for a single unjust
act, or even a succession of several such ones.

HIS MODERATION.

We here are in the habit — recently more so
:han ever — of appreciating a journal or its
?ditor in proportion as it indulges in violent
anguage. What is most out of taste, what is
nost irresponsible, appeals easiest to our
magination. Therefore it is no wonder that
he moderation of Kristo Das Pal was much
lisliked by many men. They attributed to
lim a want of independence which they said
ras due to his over-anxiety not to ofi*end the
uthorities. The charge was absolutely un-
junded. All officials knew him to be the
lost uncompromising controversialist. He

22

was judged then as some of our leaders are
judged now.

'' His moderate tone was the result of his
anxious desire to be just. He was personally
acquainted with many high officials of his day
and knew that they and their actions were
very often misunderstood. When he came to
sit in judgment over them he was careful to
see that they had a fair trial. He happened
to know very often the facts which would put
him in an attitude of sympathetic criticism ^
and knowing all the grounds of defence he
could not be keen in his attack. (It is ignor-
ance which sharpens the edge of criticism.
Correct criticism must be well-informed, but
such criticism is disagreeably sober to the
impulsive student of politics ; smart, sensa-
tional criticism is highly prized by the majority
of readers, and such criticism derives its main
strength from ignorance.) Kristo Das Pal
studied every important public question so
thoroughly in all its aspects, he knew so much
of the men who decided the fate of questions^
that he could not, like the mob, take always

23

the most uncharitable view of men and
measures, or judge them only by appearances.'^

On the other hand independence was a
strong trait in his character.

In 1877 when the title of Rai Bahadur was
conferred on Kristo Das Pal, he acknowledged
the honour in the following terms in the
Hindoo Patriot: ''We are not a little sur-
prised to find our own name among the Rai
Bahadurs. If we may be allowed to be light-
hearted on such a solemn subject, may we ask
what dire ofi'ence did we commit, for which
this punishment was reserved for us. We have

no ambition for titular distinctions

We are certainly grateful to the G-overnment
for this token of appreciation and approbation
of our services, but if we had had a voice in
the matter, we would have craved the permis-
sion of our kind and generous rulers to leave
us alone and unadorned, following the foot-
steps of those honored, illustrious Englishmen,
by whose side we are but pigmies, who have
preferred to remain 'without a handle to their

24

We are a little puzzled, however, and can-
not understand why he did not refuse the
honour if he was in a mood to write the above.
In passing, it may be said that in his later
years his position was so high and his influence
in society so great that, instead of his courting
official favour, there was every reason for the
highest officials to seek his support.

Among his other characteristics were a tena-
city of purpose and prodigious industry. It
has already been observed how in the face of
strong temptations he stuck to journalism.
And those who know the conditions of Indian
journalism will easily understand how much
industry the editor of an Indian daily news-
paper is required to possess. The editor is,
with us, the greatest part of the stafif.

"From early morning till a late hour in the

evening, he had to receive visitors, most of
whom wanted some favour. Latterly he had
acquired the art of writing his articles and
doing other work in the presence of his visitors
and while talking to them.

(If he had thought of waiting till his visitors

25

had left him, he would have had to wait for
•ever.")

The late Mr. Justice Kanade was similarly
forced to go on with his writing and other kind
of work while talking to others.

" The afternoons he used to spend in the
rooms of the British Indian Association. Even
there the visitors pursued him. A great deal
of his work had to be postponed from day-time
to night-time, and he hardly ever went to bed
before one or two in the morning.

'' Kristo Das had not only to write his paper
unaided, but to write all documents for the
British Indian Association, and to write minutes
as a member of the Legislative Council and
of the committees on which he might have
had to sit. He also wrote petitions for men
who came to him with grievances."

EXCESSIVE DOMES lie TENDERNESS.

In domestic life he was tender almost to
weakness.

" He could hardly separate himself from his
home for a single day without a pang. If
business or the demands of health took him

26

away from Calcutta even for a short time, he
would insist on being written to every day about
the state of afifairs in his home. On one occa-
sion he had taken a short holiday and retired
to a quiet place at some distance from Calcutta^
where he used to receive letters every day from
his son. One day no letter came. He immedi-
ately made up his mind to go back to Calcutta,
and left the place the same day. The slightest
ailment of a child filled him with anxiety and
even drew tears from him."

PRIVATE LIFE.

His life was very simple, his wants few and
his habitr, unaffected. Indeed his style of
living was not altogether suited to his posi-
tion. If he had adopted a more comfortable
mode of living he should have perhaps enjoyed
better health and been spared longer for the
service of his country.

" In the widest sense of the word * pure,'
Kristo Das's life was of the purest. And his
virtue was not merely of the negative sort, but
was largely identified with active beneficence.
He gave relief, to the best of his power, to

27

needy and distressed individuals, and alsa
helped the public through organised institu-
tions of charity as the District Charitable
Society of Calcutta."

He had great powers of conversation and
was genial and lively. But he maintained a
degree of reserve with regard to more import-
ant matters, especially of a personal sort ; and
not more than three or four knew the details
of his private life and had looked into his
heart and soul. He had respect for seniors
and no jealousy for young men. He helped
them whenever he could. His own success
had been viewed with jealousy by many men;
but his nature was not soured by this bitter
experience. He exercised a feeling of "Let
bygones be bygones" which was a constant
saying with him.

" He was kind and courteous to all, even to
menial servants. No man was ever repulsed
from his door, or heard from him an unkind
word, even in the midst of the busiest of his-
occupations and the sorest of his trials. In his
home he was never tyrannical, in society he-

28

was never disagreeable. If he possessed author-
ity, he neither stretched it, nor exercised it in
its full measure. (Like Englishmen and
unlike Bengalis, he had the art of enjoying
power and not seeking constant opportunities
of its exercise.) He was so mindful of his
duties that he never cared to insist on his
personal rights as against friend, relation or
subordinate. ^Therefore he was not a pest to
his subordinates, nor a bore to his friends and
colleagues.) He was not self-assertive and
dogmatic, and would not threaten to resign if
his counsel were not followed."

Kristo Das lived and died a Hindu ; but he
was keenly aware of the evils that are devi-
talising us. Like most educated Indians he
had an enlightened toleration for men profes-
sing other religions. He had no hatred to the
work of the missionaries where their methods
were not objectionable. Though he mixed
freely with Europeans he never dined with
them ; and he advocated only such intercourse
between the two races : he was convinced of
the usefulness of drawing-room acquaintance,

29

but was not hopeful about greater intimacy.

At the last anniversary meeting held in
honour of Kristo Das Pal's memory, Mr. B. Gr.
Horniman of the Statesman said : " But I
should like to say in conculsion that the-
memory of Babu Kristo Das Pal is of a special
inspiration to me as a journalist, because he is
the only journalist — I have heard of — to whose^
memory a public statue has been erected. I
never heard of any man, even of my country,
any journalist earning a lasting honour like
this. It may be that no journalist ever deserved
a public statue ; or it may be that Babu Kristo
Das Pal was the greatest journalist that ever
lived. I am prepared to admit that."

Babu Surendranath Banerjee wlio also took
part in the same meeting paid an eloquent
tribute to an aspect of his character which re-
quires emphasis. He said : —

" There was a notable trait in his charac-
ter which made an abiding impression
upon my youthful and susceptible mind and
in respect of which I fear the fullest justice
has not been done to him — I mean his deep

30

sympathy for young workers aspiring to
emulate his example and to tread in his foot-
steps in the difficult, the delicate, the thorny,
•and in these days the somewhat dangerous
paths of public life. For them he had always
ti word of comfort and encouragement — for
them his hand was outstretched for help and
guidance. He defended them with pen and
tongue, and when necessary exercised the whole
of his influence — and we who were his contem-
poraries knew what that meant — in vindication
of their public character. There was not a
trace of jealousy in that noble nature. But
love, sympathy, good-will to all, especially to
those who were co-workers in the same field,
were the predominating traits of a public life
which is not the least valuable of the many
legacies that Kristo Das Pal has bequeathed
to his countrymen. And these high qualities
were reflected in the conduct of the great
journal over which he presided with consum-
mate ability for the space of nearly a quarter
of a century. Amid the scathing public
^jriticism to which he was often subjected not

31

a word of bitterness, hardly a word of complaiDt,
ever escaped from his tongue or his pen ; and
his silence was often more eloquent in its
dignified contempt of his adversaries than
would have been the most spirited replies."

'' Loyalty to the Crown and Justice to the
People" was the inspiring motto of bis life, and
he lived up to it to the end. Perhaps we may
with great appropriateness quote here a passage
from his works showing the principle that guided
him in his public life ; —

*' It is time there should be Union among
the different Nationalities of India. They
should join hand in hand in a common bond of
attachment and loyalty to that beneficent
Sovereign whose enlightened and benign rule
has enabled them to achieve this happy union,
and also in a common prayer for justice to
their varied claims. Loyalty to the Throne and
Justice to the people ought to be the battle-cry
of every champion of his country's cause. If we
remain faithful to that cry, our enemies however
spiteful and powerful can do us no barm."

We may conclude this sketch of Kristo Das

32

Pal's life with an estimate of him by Sir
Richard Temple :

" Among the Native members (of the Bengal
Legislative Council) the most useful in my
time was Krito Das Pal, and if there was such
a thing as the functions of a legitimate opposi-
tion, they were ordinarily exercised by him.
The proceedings being conducted in English he
was a good speaker, with a very correct pro-
nounciation, and more fluency than most
Englishmen ; as a debater, too, he was ready
and acute. He was, on the whole, next after
Sir Madhava Eao, the best-informed Indian
whom I have known ; his assistance in legisla-
tion was really valuable; and in public affairs
he had more force of character than any native
of Bengal. He belonged to a caste below that
of Brahmin and was the editor of the Hindoo
Patriot newspaper, published in English. This
paper was the organ of the Bengal Zemindars,
and was in the main sustained by them, but it
had a large circulation otherwise both among
Europeans and Natives being conducted with
independence, loyalty and learning."

APPENDIX A.

Kristo Das Pal's Speeches
ON " THE ILBERT BILL."

I. 9th March 1883.

"My Lord, — I think I would best consult the interests
of the Bill if I should say as little as possible on the
subject. I am convinced that I cannot do better than
l6ave it to your Lordship, as the responsible head of the
(jrovernment, to enunciate the reasons and policy of this
measure. I cannot, however, allow this occasion to pass
without saying that I look upon this Bill as a legitimate
and logical development of the progressive policy which
characterises British rule in this country, and that, its
principle being sound, just and righteous, my countrymen
feel a deep interest in it.

"None, my Lord, can regret more than 1 do the ebul-
lition of feeling which this Bill has caused. Considering
the innocuous character of the Bill, I confess I did not
expect it, nor did the Government, I believe, antici-
pate it. Had it not been for the great and important
principle at stake, I would have been the first to counsel
the withdrawal of the Bill, rather than oppose the wave
of feeling which has risen against it. I have too strong
a faith in the character of John Bull to believe for a
moment that he will carry to the bitter end his opposition
to a noble attempt to establish that equality in the eye of
the law which the history of his own country, and the
teachings of his own political system, so loudly proclaim. I
was young when the hurricane of the Sepoy Revolt burst
over the country in 1857, but I well recollect how feelings
were torn asunder by the sad events of those days, how furi-
ous was the rage of denunciation, and how terrible the voice
of vengeance. And yet, when the storm of the Mutiny sub-
sided the feeling also subsided, and not a few of those
who had stood forth as uncompromising enemies of the
Natives now stepped forward as zealous champions of

their cause. It has been my good fortune to work with
many of them, arid to profit not a httle by their advice,
assistance, co-operation and example. Who could for a
moment say that the Anglo-Indian of the Mutiny days
was the Anglo-Indian of the succeeding days of peace
and progress ? This is my experience of the character of
honest John Bull.

" Pride of race — I use the phrase in no offensive sense
— is a commendable feeling. It is an honest and
honourable pride. It has been the mother of good
deeds, valiant acts, patriotic exertions and national
glory. But there is a higher and nobler pride, that of
fostering human happiness under beneficent law raising
the weak and low to the level of the strong and high,
and making equal law and equal justice the basis of
political paramountcy in the world. It is to that noble
feeling 1 appeal. All Englishmen, whether in India or
in England, I humbly think, should rejoice that, within
the century and a quarter they have ruled India, they
have effected such a complete revolution in the Indian
mind, both intellectual and moral, that Indian Magis-
trates are found fit to be trusted with the administration
of the laws of the land, not only over their own country-
men, but also over the members of the ruling race. This
is a work of which England may justly feel proud — this
is a consummation over which all Englishmen may well
rejoice."

IL 4:th January^ 1884.

" My Lord, I approach this subject with a mingled
feeling of satisfaction and sorrow — satisfaction because
the settlement referred to concludes a message of peace
with a body of gentlemen who however misguided and
maddened on the present occasion, are undoubtedly
important factors in the cause of the advancement and
regeneration of this country, and sorrow because,
unless carefully safeguarded, it may open a wide door
to injustice. I love peace, but honour more, and
justice above all. It is not my object to dwell on the
history of the present scheme of legislation, on the
bitter feelings and animosities which it has evoked, on

Ill

the gradual minimization of the effect of the Bill,
small by degrees and beautifully less, or on the
influence which the angry discussions of the past ten
months may have on the political prospects of the peo-
ple. I say — let bye-gones be bye-gones. My present
concern is to consider how far the proposed settlement
will secure the interests and ends of justice. The
primary object of your Lordship's Gorernment in
the proposed legislation has been to wipe out the brand
of race disqualiGcation in the judiciary within certain
limits in the trial of European British subjects. And
that object, I am happy to observe, has been steadily
kept in view, and for it our grateful thanks are due
to your Excellency's Gevernment. I must at the
same time confess that the scope of the original Bill,
itself a small measure, has been materially reduced by
the modifications proposed from time to time. As far as I
understand these modifications, both the Native and
European Sessions Judges and the Native and European
District Magistrates will be so far placed on a footing of
-equality that they will exercise equal jurisdiction over
European British subjects in matters criminal. Tliis
equalization, however, has been attained not by extension,
but by reduction of power ; by taking away the power of
independent action of European Magistrates, and not
by adding to the power of Native Magistrates, In so
far, I am constrained to say, the solution of the difficulty
has been achieved by an unsatisfactory process. The
anomaly of race distinction is doubtless removed as bet-
ween Magistrates, but it is effected not by adding to the
power of Native Magistrates, but by changing the venu.
Race-distinction becomes most obtrusive only in the trial
of a certain class of cases, and those cases are practically
transferred from the file of the Native Magistrate to that
of his junior the Joint-Magistrate. Thus the race-
distinction is made more pointed and painful. If the
Native Magistrate be invested with a power which he
will not be called upon to exercise, that power to all in-
tents and purposes will be an unreality. Doubtless, the
European Magistrate will stand in the same position,
but to him it will be obvious that it is an administrative
or political exigency, and not a question of colour. It is

IV

proposed to safe-guard the extension of the jurisdifition
of the Native British Sessions Judge and the Native
District Magistrate by giving the European subject
the right to claim trial by jury in all eases. This is a
right, I am quite aware, inherent in the Englishmen,
and an assembly of English legislators cannot but
sympathise with it. I am also an advocate of jury-trial
for my countrymen, and am of opinion that the jury-
system ought to be extended throughout the country*
But there are cases in which Englishmen in their own
country cannot claim the benefit of a trial by jury, and
even if the proposed modifications should pass into law,
the European British subject, when brought before a
European Assistant or Joint Magistrate charged with
offences of a certain class, will have no right to claim a
trial by jury. The question is whether, when similarly
charged before a District Magistrate, whether a Euro-
pean or a Native, be should consistently be permitted to
demand a jury. This provision will introduce a new
anomaly. In seeking to abolish one anomaly we will
create another. Under the proposed settlement, the
European District Magistrate will lose a power which
he has exercised since the Act of 1872 without any
complaint on the part of the European British subjects,
while the Native Magistrate will be constantly put in
mind that his power has been circumscribed because he
is a Native. It may also lead to administrative inconveni-
ence, which is worthy of serious consideration. Then,
under the Act of 1872, one great reproach to the ad-
ministration of criminal justice in this country, as far as
the trial of the European British subject was concerned,
that of dragging for trial the complainant and the
accused with the whole host of their witnesses to the
Presidency capitals at great inconvenience, expense and
hardship, was removed because it vested the District
Sessions Judge with jurisdiction with or without a
jury. Under the proposed settlement, in every case
before a Court of Sessions the European British
subject shall have the right to claim a trial by
jury. In a district where a sufficient number of Euro-
peans and Americans may not be found to constitute a
jury, the result, I take it, will be to transfer the case to

a district where a jury may be available. In this way
the old scandals of trials at inconveniently distant places
will, I fear, be revived. Many a poor complainant may
think it better to put up with the wrongs they may have
sustained rather than face the hardships and expenses of
a journey miles away from their homes for the sake of
possible redress. In this respect the proposed settlement
■may lead to a denial of justice. In this respect it will
manifestly be a retrograde move. It will, in fact, .put
back the clock of improvement introduced in 1872. There
is another point urged by some of my countrymen,
namely, the imminent risk of failure of justice in the case
of a European British subject at the hands of a Euro-
pean jury under the peculiar constitution of Anglo-Indian
society, and a small jury of those persons. I shall briefly
touch upon this point. There have undoubtedly been
cases on record in which there have been egregious
failures of justice. I will not say that good men and
true, when sworn in as jurors, will break their oath, and
amidst large coaimunities of men of the same race and
religion engaged in different occupations and not bound
by near kinsliip or absolute identity of profession or in-
terest it is certainly easy to empanel a jury of good
men and true ; but amidst a small and sparse European
population in the outlying districts of India, and
particularly in critical times of excited feelings, in
a small jury of these persons the risk of failure
of justice is one which no Legislature should over-
look. It is observable that the British Legislature
has found it sometimes necessary to suspend jury-
trials in Ireland. Under these circumstances, my
Lord, I cannot look upon the settlement without grave
misgivings. My humble belief is that it will add to the
difficulties of a fair, speedy and honest administration
of justice, and thus prove injurious to the people. I
shall, however, propose no amendment or specific
Motion now. Bearing in mind the singleness of purpose
which has led your Lordship to this project of legisla-
tion, the anxiety which your Lordship has evinced to
remove race-disqualifications in the discharge of
judicial duties, and the earnestness with which your
Lordship has sought to give effect to the noble behests
of Parliament and our gracious Queen-Empress, I feel

VI

I should pause and consider. I would, therefore^
reserve my objections to the details of the settlement
till I see the amendments take a definite shape at the
hands of the Select Committee. In the spirit of thfr
eloquent peroration of my hon'ble and learned friend
the mover of the Bill, 1 would venture to remind the
Hon'ble Council that the stability of the British
Empire in India rests on the adamantine rock of justice,
and I earnestly hope that that truism will not be
lost sight of by the Select Committee in framing their
amendments. In conclusion, I wish to make one remark.
1 have no objection to the Motion that the Select Com-
mittee should report upon the Bill within one week.
But I venture to express a hope that after the Bill is
recast by the Select Committee it will be forwarded to
the Local Governments and local officers for an expres-
sion of their opinion as to how far its provisions
will be conducive to administrative convenience
and to an efficient administration of justice. Great
apprehensions are widely entertained that the Bill framed
on the basis of the settlement will be unworkable and
will defeat the ends of justice. For this reason I think
it is highly desirable, my Lord, that the opinion of the
local officers, who are in the best position to form a just
estimate of the practical tendency of the Bill, should be
taken on this vitally important point. As the Bill has
been allowed to hang on for the last ten months, surely
it will not prejudice any interest to delay its passing for
two months more."

III. 2Qf,i! January, 1884.
" My Lord, before the motion is formally put to the
vote, I ask your Lordship's permission to say a few words.
I feel ih would be wrong on my part to raise a fresh dis-
eusion upon a subject which has been already discussed
threadbare, particularly as the Bill has reached the stage
when no discussion will avail one way or another. Re-
membering also the deliberate decision of Government
that the Bill must be based on the lines of the agreement
entered into, I could see no room to any substantial
amendment which would prove beneficial, and I am eon-

Vll

firmed in my opinion by the proceedings of this day. At
the same time, in justice to myself, I must candidly con-
fess with due deference that the provisions of the Bill as
amended by the Select Committee, as far as I can see,
are not calculated to remove the apprehensions which I
ventured to express on the last occasion. It cannot be
denied that while race-distinction is removed in one
direction, that is to say, as regards a very small class of
Native ofiBcers, it is deepened in another direction,_that
is to say, as regards the Native population at large, that
the anomaly of jury- trial in petty cases, in cases in
which a jury is admitted to be ridiculous, remains all the
same, if the District Magistrate chooses to try such
cases : that the cure of the invidiousness of the law will
depend on the forbearance of the Magistrates, if he will
not try petty cases, and of the accused, if he will not
claim a jury in such eases; that the risk of failure of
justice at the hands of a dominant and sympathising jury
is not safe-guarded in any way, and that the old
evils to poor complainants of the transfer of cases
to distant Courts, almost amounting to a denial of justice,
from districts where a jury may not be available, will be
revived in all their rigours. But I will not prolong a
dying controversy by raising fx-esh objections. Your
Lordship was pleased to declare in winding up the debate
on the 7th instant, that a failure to justice such as I had
apprehended would be an intolerable evil, that if your
Lordship had anticipated it you would not have been a
party to the arrangement made, and that should failure of
justice or other grave evils hereafter arise out of the
proposed system, it would be the duty of the Government
of the day to apply adequate remedies. I accept this
assurance of your Lordship with due submission,

'• My Lord, if I have correctly gauged the opinion of
my countrymen on this subject, there seems to be a
deep (conviction among them that the fiery ordeal
through which they have passed during the last ten
months has brought forth no adequate result, that if
they have gained some slight advantages on the one
hand, they have lost much more on the other, that the
sudden and sad turn which this business has taken at
the last moment has fallen like a thunderbolt upon
them, and filled them with gloom and dismay. But I

vm

fihould not despond. The main principles of this Bill,
though within very narrow limits, being affirmed, I
fervently hope that it will prove the precursor
of more substantial and abiding reforms. At some
favourable time hereafter, when the present storm
of passionate feeling and raee-animosities, it is to be
hoped, will have passed away, when practical experience
will have satisfied even the most thorough-going repre-
sentatives of the domineering class that Native Judges
and Magistrates mete out even-handed and uncoloured
justice, some hopeful mariner in charge of the vessel of
the State, following the signal planted to-day, may steer
his course in the same onward path, and give a widor
effect to the high hopes and honourable aspirations with
which the controversy of the past few months I am
bound to say, has filled the heart of the nation. It is
not necessary for me to formulate these hopes and as-
pirations. Suffice it to say that the nation anxiously
looks forward to the establishment of a complete equal-
ity in the eye of the law between all classes of Her
Majesty's subjects without distinctions of race and reli-
gion, to the unconditional extension to Her Indian sub-
jects of the same jury-trial that has been accorded to
her British-born subjects, — for it is the bulwark of the
liberty of all subjects, — to the removal of the present
barrier to the admission into the Convenanted Civil
Service through the door of competition and of the
stigma which unjustly attaches to the statutory
civilians, by combining, as I conceive, competition
with nomination, and to the development of those
solid measures of progress which will raise the Native
Indians to the level of the European British
subjects. The passage of the Bill marks three distinc-
tive and important points, firstly, that the Queen's
Proclamation the Magna Charta of the people of India
has been vindicated with a forced emphasis and earnest-
ness, with which it had never before been vindicated;
secondly, that a step, albeit a short one, still a well-
defined one has been taken in putting the higher order
of covenanted civilians, both European and Native,
on a footing of equality which no future Government
will dare retrogress; and thirdly, that, if my countrymen

IZ

prove equal to the oeeanion the onward policy is sure
to advance. We are certainly more concerned with
the present than with the future; but man does not
live for the present alone. His manhood will not
progress if he does not think of the future— /;are for
the future— live for the future. Relying on the future,
J gi\e my adhesion to the present Bill."

APPENDIX B.

INDIAN MILITARY EXPENDITURE.

IE X tracts frotn a speech delivered in the
Town Hall, Calcutta, 1873.]

The Talk of Partnership.

Then it bad been said that the principle on which the
Military charges were apportioned between England and
India v/as one of joint partnership. Now, could a joint
partnership exist between a giant and a dwarf ? (hear,-
hear) England was rich ; India was poor. England
governed herself through her house of representative;
India was scarcely able to send forth her voice across a
distance of ten thousand miles. Here and there indeed
there were a few^ Englishmen, disinterested, philanthro-
pic, warm-hearted Englishmen, who took an interest in
the affairs of this country ; but that was all. And yet
they were told that the adjustment was conducted on the
principles of joint partnership. If they examined the
practical working of this joint partnership what would
thej find ? That on no less then seven occasions troops
were borrowed from India, first for the China expedition,
next forjthe Crimean war, thirdlv for the Persian expedi-
tion, fourthly, for the second China expedition, fifthly
for the first New Zealand expedition, sixthly for the
second New Zealand expedition, and seventhly for the
Abyssinian expedition. All those were imperial under-
takings, but India had to furnish the troops yvith their

pay and allowances. England, in fact,
and India paid (hear. hear). On the other hand
reinforcements were sent from England to India
for the Sutlez campaign of 1846, the Panjab camp-
aign of J849, and for the mutiny campaign of 1857-58.
How did India meet her liabilities in these eases ?
She had to pay every fraction of the pay of the troops
from the moment they left England (hear, hear). This
was no matter of complaint ; it was nothing but right
that India should pay as she did ; but the people did
complain, and very rightly too, when England refused to
pay her legitimate dues (hear, hear). Now the question
arose — was England as just to her other colonies ? If a
comparison were made of their treatment with that of
India, it would be seen that while the cost of the Colonial
Office was charged to the English Treasury, that of the
India Office was charged to the Indian Treasury. The
cost of the Colonial garrisons was paid chiefly from the
English Treasury while the Indian Treasury not only
paid for the Indian garrison, but paid a good deal more
besides. Further, all insurrectionary movements in the
colonies were met and suppressed at the cost of the
imperial exchequer while the cost of the Sepoy Mutiny
had* to be borne by the Indian Treasury. Then again
balance the benefits which England derived from India
and the colonies respectively. If this matter were looked
at with an impartial eye, it would be readily admitted
that India was undoubtedly the brightest gem in the
diadem of England. It had been alleged by Viscount Card-
well that England had to maintain large bodies of
European troops for India's protection. He emphati-
cally denied this position. It was for her own safety,,
for her own military glory, for her own imperial policy,
that England maintained these t*'oops. On the con-
trary, the Indian ai-my served as a most efficient reserve
for England.

* » • •

India the School for European Soldiers.

Up to the outbreak of the Crimean war, England

had enjoyed forty years' uninterrupted peace in Europe,

and during that time India was the best school for her

soldiers. It was in India the Iron Duke, the hero of

Zl

Waterloo, the conquerer of Napoleon, had his training;:
it was in India many of the Crimean heroes first
flashed their swords; it was in India the veteran
soldier, to whom all England now turned "as the Com-
mander-in-Chief of the British army, should a war
break out with Russia, was schooled and nurtured,,
and if no other reason at any rate for this tribute in
military strength which India thus contributed to Eng-
land she deserved a generous consideration in the
apportionment of her military charges from the
imperial country (cheers). But what has England
done in return? She has not even guaranteed the Indian
loans ('loud cheers.") The fact that India was the best
School for England's soldiers was ably put forward by
his Grace the Duke of Argyll in his correspondence with

Lord Cardwell in the following words : —

" But I have further to point out that all arguments
which imply that India is nothing but a burden and a
cause of embarrassment in military affairs are arguments
inconsistent with many notorious facts — with the anxiety
of officers to secure Indian employments, and with the
advantages which Indian exigencies afford in the way of
augmentation and promotions in the army. It is well
known that India offers the best if not indeed the only
training ground for the British army in time of European
peace ; that as Indian pay and allowances are much
higher than those given to the army either at home, or
when employed elsewhere abroad, Indian service is
highly popular in the army and that in consequence of
the liberal treatment which up to the present time, the
Government of that country has been enabled to bestow
upon the officers and men, it has contributed one great
inducement to members of both classes to enter th&
British army ; and, morever, that under the new army
organisation by whicli Her Majesty's Government hope
to augment the military power of the country, and te
save the expense of pensions by the introduction of a
short service system and the eKtablishment of a reserve,
a very large and certainly not the least valuable portion of
that reserve will consist of men whose entire military
training and experience will have been acquired at the
expense of the people of India."

Zll

Parliamentary Statutes.

Now, the principle on which the Home Military
charges of India were apportioned was not only against
morality, against . equity but against the law laid down
by Parliament. First as to effective services, Act 28,
George 3rd, Chapter 8, Section 1, empowered the Board
of Commissioners for the affairs of India to defray
from the revenues of India " all the expenses incurred,
or to be hereafter incurred, for raising, transporting
and maintaining such forces as shall be sent to India for
the security of the said territories and possessions, in
addition to the forces now there." Further, Act 38,
George 3rd, Chapter 52, Section 128, enacted, with
reference to the Home charges of British troops in
India that "all sums issued by the said Pay Master
General of His Majesty's forces for and on account of His
Majesty's forces werving in India or for raising and
supplying recruits for the same, shall be repaid by the
said Company ; and that the actual expenses only, which
since the 2ith day of December 1792, have been or
which hereafter shall be incurred (in India) for the
support and maintenance of the said troops shall be
borne and defrayed by the said Company." Act 58
George 3rd, Chapter 155, Section 87, declared that— "it
shall not be lav/ful for the Commissioners for the affairs
of India to give or approve orders or directions,
that these shall be defrayed and allowed out of the
Revenue" (of India) "in respect of His Majesty's
forces sent or to be sent to the East Indies,
any sum of money in respect of any greater num-
ber of His Majesty's forces, than shall amount, in the
whole to twenty thousand men, including the com-
missioned and uncommissioned officers unless any
greater number of His Majesty's forces shall be sent
to the East Indies on the requisition of the said Court
of Directors." Again Act 21 and 22 Vict. Cap. 196,
Section 55, provided that, "except for preventing or
repelling actual invasion of Her Majesty's Indian
possessions or under other sudden and urgent necessity
the revenues of India shall not without the consent
•of both Houses of Parliament be applicable to defray
the expenses of any military operation carried on

ZIU

beyond the external frontiers of such possessions by
Her Majesty's forces charged upon such revenues."
Then as to non-effective services, Act 4, Geo- 4th, Cap.
71, recited that "no provision has been made for the
charge incurred for retiring pay and pensions, and
other oxpenses of that nature arising, in respect of
His Majesty's forces serving in India and that the said
United Company, in consideration thereof, have
agreed to pay for those purposes the said annual sum
of £60,000. Be it therefore enacted that over and above
all sums of money now payable by the said United
Company in respect of His Majesty's forces serving in
the East Indies the annual sum of £60,000, to commence
from the said 30th April 1822 shall be paid out of the
rents, revenues and profit accruing from the said
territorial acquisitions, in full discharge and satisfaction
of all claims upon the said Company for retiring pay,,
pensions and other expenses of that nature, granted or
payable by His Majesty or by authority of Parliament
or o^^^herwise, in respect of any of the forces of His
Majesty which have served, or are now serving or
which hereafter may serve in the East Indies."

Government Efforts Fi-uitless*
Now, nothing could be more clear and definite than
the law on the subject, but it did seem strange how Her
Majesty's Government went on year after year commit-
ting these iniquites. So far as the Government of India
was concerned he was bound to point out that it was an
earnest advocate for not only reduction of military expe-
diture but also for an adjustment of the home expenses
of the Indian Army on a fair and equitable basis. In
1869 Lord Mayo moved in the matter and His Lordship
was followed up in 1873 by Lord Northbrook. Lord
Northbrook's example had not been lost on Lord Lytton,
and he thought he might say without breach of confidence
that Lord L>tton had lately addressed the Indian Council
a forcible despatch on the subject. But how was it that
the efforts of the Government of India generally proved
fruitless? The fact was in the Indian Council there was
a preponderance of Madras and Bombay members who
were not unoften opposed to schemes emanating from
Bengal. Some time ago Lord Sandhurst (then Sir Willi-

am Mansfield) and after him Lord Ncrthbrook, had re-
commended the abolition of two out of the three presi-
dency commands as not necessary in these days of univ-
ersal telegraph and railway communications, but their
recommendations were not adopted, because the Horse
Guards were too powerful for them ! (hear, hear). So far
the relations between the War Office were concerned, no
better proof of their unsatisfactory character could be
had than the evidence given by Lord Salisbury before
the Committee of the House of Commons in 1874.

A Tug of War.

He would read what his lordship said, to answer to
certain questions put by Professor Faweett : —

Q. — "Then it comes to this simply, without saying
whether any one is justified or not in doing it, that
throughout the existence of an administration the Secre-
tary of State for India is aware that India is being justly
charged ; that he protests, again and again ; that the
thing goes on and apparently no remedy can possibly be
obtained for India unless tlie Secretary of State is pre-
pared to take up this line and say ; I will not submit to
it any longer : I will resign ?

A^ « It is hardly so strong as that, because the Secre-
tary of State, if his Council goes v/ith him, can always
pass a resolution that such and such a payment is not to
be made; but, of course any Minister shrinks from such
a course because it stops the machine.

Q_ "You have these alternatives: you must either stop

the machine or you must resign or you must go on
tacitly submitting to what you consider to be an
injustice ?"

p^ » Well, I should accept that statement barring the

word 'tactitly' : I should go on submitting with loud re-
monstrance.

Q _« Taking existing facts what has occurred is that
the Secretary of State has gone on submitting with these
loud remonstrances. It is difficult to conceive I think,
of stronger remonstrances written by one member of the
Oovernment to another member of the Government than
Are contained in that correspondence ?

XV

A. — " Well, I would not venture certainly to write any
stronger myself.

Q. — "Then what I understand your Lordship to mean
is this, that, after all the great security for India to ob-
tain financial justice is this, that India should have a
Secretary of State who should do all in his power to secure
her justice and th^t he should out of doors be support-
ed by the puulic opinion of the English people and by
the sympathy of the House of Commons ; that is his
great strength after all ?

A.- "That is undoubtedly his great strength ; and if
the House of Commons vnll keep a sufficiently sharp eye
over these matters I do not imagine that there is any
serious danger of India being oppressed ; but there is a
constant tendency, of course on the part of the depart-
ments at home, which have such enormous inducements
to save to get money where it may be had without resist-
ance or difficulty."

Indict and the Commons,

This was the confession of the Secretary of State —
that there were departments in England which would not
hesitate to take as much money as they could, if they
could do so without difficulty, and Lord Salisbury was of
opinion that India's only strength lay in the House of
Commons. So the House of Commons was their only
hope (cheers)|Once a great English orator said thatif India
were ever lost to England, it would be lost in the House of
Commons. He of course, referred to the ignorant inter-
ference of the House of Commons with the affairs of
India. But in this case it would be seen that if India
was to be saved she could be saved only in, by and
through the House of Commons, and to that House we
proposed to appeal (Hear, hear.) India had no representa-
tive assembly ; she had no powerful party interests to
save her ; her affairs did not affect the fates of political
parties in England ; her children were dumb and weak ;
she could only appeal to the sympathy, to the sense of
justice, to the conscience of the great nation, which
under a Divine dispensation ruled her destiny (cheers,)
It was often said that England's power in India rested

XVI

on the rock of justice and it was now proposed to
appeal to her for justice, (cheers) He did hope that
the great British nation, which shewed such warm and
generous sympathy in her late calamity would not turn
a deaf ear to their appeal and refuse to render that
financial justice.

^H^l

G A. Natesan &Co, Sunkurama Chetty Street, Madras

LEADERS OF THE BRAHMO SAMAJ

BEING A RECORD OF THE LIVES AND ACHIEVE-
MENTS OF THE PIONEERS OF THE BRAHMO MOVEMENT.

fX^ HISTORY of the Brahmo Samaj was published
^^ in two admirable volumes by the late Pundit
Bivanath Sastri. It was his further desire to supple-
meat these volumes with a third giving the lives of
Brahmo leaders. But the Pundit did not live to do it."
The present volume may be said to fulfil the Pundit*^i
aim — in a way. For it contains a record of the doing*
of Brahmo leaders since the days of Raja Ram Mohun
Roy ; that is to say, it is a narrative of the social,
religious, educational and philanthropic activities of
the pioneers of the Brahmo movement. Now pioneen
and reformers have ever lived a life of courage and
devotion and their self-denying services to their fellow-
men cannot but be an inspiration to those who come
after them. Apart from its biographical interest the
(Tolume is enriched with an exposition of the philoso-
phy and tenets of Brahmoiim as interpreted by the
leaders who preached and made the new faith popular,
rhere are also copious extracts from their writings
md speeches which must add censiderably to the
ralue of this publieatien.

Contents.— Raja Ram Mohun Roy, Maharski
Oevendranath Tagore, Kesav Chandra Sen, Pratap-
shandra Mazumdar, Sasipada Banerji, Ananda Mokan
3ese and Pundit Sivanath Sastri.

With Seveo Portraitf.
?irst Edition. Price Re. 1-8. To Subs, of "I.R." Be.1.4.

^ Books are given at concession rates only to sub^-
ribers of " The Indian Review*' Any one who wishes
o buy books at coneeesion rates must remit Rs. Five
ne year's subscription to the Review in advance,

K A.Natesan ItCo., Publisher!, Oeorgt Town. Madras

Raja Ram Mohun Roy

HIS LIFE, WRITINGS AND SPEECHES

WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

}>ft<HIS 18 the first attempt to collect under one cover
^ the voluminous writingi of Ram Mohun Roy.
They deal with religion, social reform, politics, educa-
tion, law and administration — to the discussion of
which he brought a mind trained in the best cultures of
the East and West. The Volume opens with a lengthy
biographical sketch recounting the story of his life
and achievements and in particular the establishment
of the Brahmo Samaj of which he was the founder. It
ends with his own modest auto-biography which ho
wrote at the request of an English friend. The book
is invaluable to publicists and reformers.

Contents /—Biographical Sketch; Suttee— The
Burning of Widows; The Character of Hindu-
Women; Suttee and the Shastras; Address to Lord
William Bentinck; Petition to the House of Com-
mons; The Rights of Women; Freedom of the Press;
Memorial to the Supreme Court ; Appeal to the King-
in-Council; English Education in India; Religioui
Toleration ; Prospects of Christianity in India ; Rights
of a Hindu Over Ancestral Property according to
Law ; The Revenue System of India ; The Indian Pea-
santry; The Judicial System of India; Settlement in
India by Europeans; Regulations III of 1820. Address
to British Unitarians ; Autobiographical Sketch.

Cloth Bound, Rs. 3. To Subs, of "L R." Rs. 2-8.

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cribers of " The Indian Review," Any one who wishes
to buy books at concession rates must remit Rs. Five
one year's subicription to the Review in advance.

G. A. Natesan & Co., Publishers, George Town, Madras.

Eminent Mussalmans

^{nHIS book !■ a welcome addition to the biographi-
^ cal literature now extant in India touching the
9ivei and achievements of many Mussalman patriot*
who have in recent years contributed to the intellec-
tual and social advancement of their countrymen. In
(the building up of our composite nationality Maho-
medans no less than Hindus and Parsis have taken a
leading part and an attempt is made in this volume
to put on record not only the lives and doings* of
«nany leaders of Muslim thought in India but also to
mark their distinctive contributions to the evolution
of Indian polity and culture. Among such leaderi
Slave been reformers, statesmen, judges, educationists,
lawyers and politicians. Commencing from Sir Syed
Ahmed, the story is brought down to this day.
CONTENTS

Among the sketches in this volume are : — Sir Syed
Ahmed, Sir Salar Jun?, Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk,
Badruddin Tyabji, Rahimtulla Mahamed Sayam*,
Syed Mahmood, Syed Amir Ali, The Aga Khan, Sir
Muhammad Shafi, Sir Ali Imam, Syed Hasan Imam,
Hakim Ajmal Khan, Sir Ibrahim Rahimtoola,
Sahibzada Aftab Ahmad Khan, Syed Husain Bilgrami,
Justice Shah Din, Sir Mahomed Iqbal, Sir Muhammad
Habibullah, Sir Abbas Ali Baig, Mahomed Ali Jinnah,
8ir Abdur Rahim, Mr. Hydari, & The Ali Brothers,

With the Portraits of all

C. & M. Gazette. — To get a decently bound, clearly
g)rinted volume of 544 pages, with 33 illustrations, all
for three rupees is excellent and an example to English
jpublishing houses.

Rs. 3. To Subs, of *' Indian Review," Rs. 2-8 at.

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O.A.Nataian & Co., Publishers, George Town, Madras*.

From Ramanand to Ram Tirath.

LIVES OF THE SAINTS OF NORTHERN INDIA
INCLUDING THE SIKH GURUS.

^HIS new book, as its title suggests, recounts the
^ lives and teachings of the Saints of Northern
India from Ramanand to Ram Tirath. It includes
sketches of Ramanand and Eabir, Nanak and th»
Sikh Gurus, of Ravi Das the Chamar Saint, of
Mira Bai the atcetie queen of Chitor, Vallabha-
charya, Tulasi Das, Virajanand, Dayanand the
founder of the Arya Samaj and Swami Rama
Tirath. The reformation in Hindu beliefs and ritual
effected by these great saints of India may be fairly
compared with the great Protestant movement of
Europe. But the Indian reformers like Kabir and
Mira Bai were in no sense militant theologians
like Luther and Zwingli. The preachings of
the great Vaishnavite reformers, the Ramanandis
and the Ravidasis, were mostly directed to the
freeing of religion from caste superstition. The
Ravidasis of whom Mira Bai herself might be counted
one, and who take their name from their teacher
Ravidas have a large number of adherents among the
Chamars of Hindustan : and they form an interesting
example of the reformed Vaishnavism extending even
to the menial classes. Some of the rapturous songs
and hymns of the Vernaculars are to be found Id
the ecstatic utterances of Mira Bai, of Nanak
and Kafoir. The sketches contain ample quota-
tions from these hymns as well as from the say-
ings and teachings of Dayananda and Ram Tirath.
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Temples, Churches and Mosques

By Mr. YAKUB HASAN

•N thii remarkable volume Mr. Yakub Hasan hat
attempted to give a kaleidoscopic view of the
world's architecture. He has travelled in three conti-
pents with eyes open and a mind susceptible to artistic
impressions. He has read widely on architecture and
the arts, on the history of civilizations and comparative
religion. The result is a volume of great value to all
who have any the least interest in these diverse
subjects. The author describes the evolution of
the simple altar of the primitive man into the magni-
ficent temple and church architecture of mediaeval
times. He takes us through the Chaldean to Roman,
Greek and Egyptian temples, to Buddhist Monuments
and the temples of the Far East in all their variety
and splendour; to Soloman's temple and the Eaaba
at Mecca ; to the coming of the Messiah and the
magnificent Cathedrals of Mediaevel Europe ; to the
birth of Mahomed and the Mosque architecture of
Egypt and Turkey and Spain ; and finally to the
beautiful Moghul architecture of Hindustan. The
reader finds himself face to face, now with the pyra-
mids of Egypt or the Parthenon of Athens, now gazing
at the dizzy domes of bt. Marks or St. Peters,
now passing through the corridor of the Rameswaram
temple, or admiring the golden flooring of the Sheo-
dagon Pagoda, now stupefied by the height and im-
mensity of the Kutab or lulled into a beautiful vision
by the delicate craftsmanship of the Taj. Every style
of Temple, Church or Mosque architecture is described
at length to the accompaniment of no less than 68
illustrations, the masterpieces of the world's architec-
ture. A valuable study in comparative Religion.

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20 UNIFORM CLOTH-BOUND VOLUMES

SPEECHES AND WRITINGS OF

Raja Ram Mohan Roy.

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu.

The Rt. Hon. Srinivasa Sastri.

Sir J. C. BosE.

Dr. p. C. Ray.

ANNIE BESANT.

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M. K. Gandhi. Third Edition.
Surendranath Banerjee.
Sir Dinshaw Wacha.

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Eminent Orientalists^^

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THE INDIAN PROBLEM

BY. C. F. ANDREWS.

Contents :— Indian Independence. India and the
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National Education. Drink and Opium Evil. etc. etc.

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Three Great Acharyas

SANKARA, RAMANUJA, AND MADHWA

SN attempt to bring under one cover critical iket-
chei of the life and times of the«e great religious
ileaders and an exposition of their retpective systems
of thought and philosophy.

Contributors to the Volume.

Pandit Tatvabushan, Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,

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-Aiyar, Prof. Rajagopalachari, and Prof. Subba Rau.

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SANK4RA'S SELECT WORKS

With Sanskrit Text and English Translation
By Mr. S. VENKATRIMANAN, b.a.

Contents.— Hymn to Hari ; The Ten Versed Hymn ;
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